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August , 1999
By Gary Orfield and Dean Whitla
As published in Diversity Challenged
(Harvard Education Publishing Group, © 2001)
For more than two decades the legal foundation for
the policies that have permitted the integration of highly selective
universities and professional schools has rested on the Supreme
Court's 1978 Bakke decision. Justice Powell's controlling
opinion upheld race-conscious admissions policies on the grounds
that they support the important goal of producing a diverse student
body representing many kinds of experience and points of view to
enrich the discussions and learning experiences on campus.1
While the value and importance of this goal seemed obvious to many
within the university community, the academic world had done very
little to demonstrate how diversity works on campus and what difference
it makes. Recently, there have been sharp challenges from opponents
of civil rights and in 1996, a federal appeals court outlawed affirmative
action in Texas in a decision that claimed that student diversity
had no educational benefits. There are now a number of lawsuits
and referendum campaigns around the country in which the impact
of diversity is an important legal or political issue. Direct evidence
on the impact of diversity on education is now essential.
This study explores the impact of diversity by asking
students how it has influenced their educational experiences. Most
discussions about the effects of diversity are simply assertions;
people with differing ideologies come up with highly divergent arguments.
If a central question is whether or not racial diversity broadens
the intellectual life of the university and enriches the educational
experience in the student community, there are only two reliable
sources-the students and the faculty. This study reports on the
experiences of students captured in a high response-rate survey
administered by the Gallup Poll at two of the nation's most competitive
law schools, Harvard Law School and the University of Michigan Law
School, as well as through data collected through an email/internet
survey at five other law schools. The data indicate that the Supreme
Court was correct in its conclusions about the impact of diversity
in Bakke and earlier higher education decisions. It spells
out how and in what settings students experience different educational
outcomes. The study also explores the differences among students-the
experiences of those who believe diversity has a negative influence
as well as the large majority who see important gains.
There have been vast changes in the level of access
to college for minority students since the 1960s, with very encouraging
trends over much of that period. Between 1972 and l996 the percentage
of blacks enrolling in college the fall after completing high school
rose from 44.6% to 56.0%, and the percentage of Hispanics enrolling
rose from 45.0% to 50.8%. The percentage of white enrollment rose
from 49.7% to 67.4%. The racial gap between the percentage of black
and white high school graduates going on to college was smallest
in the mid-1970s. The gap began to widen after Bakke and a variety
of policy changes and scholarship opportunities made college less
accessible in the l980s.
In 1971, among young adults, age 25 to 29, 11.5% of blacks and 10.5%
of Latinos had college degrees, compared to 22.0% of whites. By
1998, the black rate was up to 17.9% and the Latino number was 16.5%,
but the white rate was 34.5%. The gap had been 10.5% between blacks
and whites in l971 but grew to 16.6% 27 years later. The black enrollment
rate actually declined during the l980s, but then began to grow
again.3 Even before the rollback of college civil rights policies,
higher education was far from the ultimate goal of equal access.
Professional education also experienced substantial changes. Law
school enrollment grew from 1% black in l960 to 7.5% in l995.3
Highly selective college and professional schools
tended to have very small numbers of minority students until the
late l960s and early 1970s. Their normal recruitment and selection
systems did not produce significant minority enrollments and many
went through the peak of the civil rights era with very few minority
students.4 During the late l960's many universities decided
to undertake systematic efforts to increase their minority enrollments,
often spurred by the social upheaval of urban riots, student protests,
federal policy, and the assassination of Martin Luther King. In
the Ivy League, the percentage of black students grew between 1967
and l976 from 1.7% to 4.5%.5 There were similar or larger
changes in a number of highly selective public universities. These
significant changes, at a time when access to leading universities
was becoming much more competitive and the country more conservative,
led to opposition.
To view the COMPLETE
REPORT and study conducted by The Civil Rights Project go
to:
Diversity
and Legal Education: Student Experiences in Leading Law Schools
(in PDF Format)

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