logo
About UsNewsConveningsResearchPolicy ActionResourcesNetworking
   

Research > Metro & Regional Inequalities > Housing

April, 2004

Separate and Unequal:
Segregation and Educational Opportunity in Metro Boston

Two reports by Chungmei Lee and Joseph Berger et al.

 

 

CONVENINGS

Housing Opportunity, Civil Rights and the Regional Agenda

On November 16, 2001, CRP held its first conference on housing and civil rights, sponsored by the John F. Kennedy School of Government, Joint Center for Housing Studies, and The Brookings Institution Center on Urban and Metropolitan Policy.

RESEARCH

Latest Metro Housing Research

Among other CRP publications on housing segregation, we encourage you to read 4 reports we commissioned on 3 metropolitan areas (Boston, Chicago, and San Diego) called "Race, Place, & Segregation: Redrawing the Color Line in Our Nation's Metros."

 

Introduction Summary Full Report

The Metro Boston Equity Initiative is devoted to analyzing race relations and racial equity issues not simply in the city of Boston, but across the entire metropolitan region. Although greater Boston still has a large white majority and suburban sectors with very little diversity, immigration of Latinos and Asians is driving the region’s growth, and much of this population increase is taking place well outside of the city limits. Changing patterns of school enrollment provide a good sense of the region’s near-term future.

Americans see schools as the key to the future and educational opportunity as the chief means of making a very unequal society fairer. For decades, education has become an increasingly important determinant of employment and earnings, which, in turn, strongly
affect life chances of families and their children. The schools of metropolitan Boston are
highly segregated, as described in the Initiative’s first report by John Logan. Chungmei Lee, in Racial Segregation and Educational Outcomes in Metropolitan Boston, further explores the relationship between segregation, location within the metropolitan area and the success of schools in terms of test scores, in graduating students and in obtaining qualified teachers. Joseph Berger’s report, Race and Metropolitan Origins of Postsecondary Access to Four Year Colleges: The Case of Greater Boston, analyzes the relationships between race, residential location and preparation for college, as measured by patterns of taking the SAT exam, test scores achieved, and patterns of applications to colleges and universities. These reports paint a picture of a highly stratified set of opportunities in which Boston and the satellite cities offer very different paths in terms of high school success and college access than do the overwhelmingly white suburbs. These patterns exist after years of intense focus on the two panaceas of the conservative movement—high stakes testing and market competition from charter schools and choice mechanisms. Although those strategies almost always produce apparent gains on state testing programs, we see no signs anywhere in our work-- on resegregation, testing, and No Child Left Behind--that they are likely to make major changes in these patterns.

Boston’s disastrous failure to achieve peaceful desegregation of its schools three decades ago, particularly the mob violence at South Boston High School, and the transition of the Boston schools to overwhelmingly white enrollment, are commonly seen as areas why the region need not think about patterns of school segregation--nothing can be done about it. This thinking ignores the better experiences of many other cities and also the METCO program that is intact and still in high demand. In fact, Boston had what was probably the worst leadership in the country in making a transition to desegregated schools, and its white enrollment did indeed decline rapidly. But it is also true that other parts of the metropolitan area have had far better experiences with desegregation. Further, the racial compositions of many central cities that never had any significant desegregation plan are now very similar to that of Boston’s. In other words, there are better options—apparent, for example, in Lynn and Cambridge. Both are highly diverse school districts with considerable lasting desegregation, and white enrollment decline is primarily a matter of spreading housing segregation. It is surely wrong to focus too much attention on the city of Boston, which serves only a twelfth of the region’s students, less than half of black students, nearly a fourth of Latino students, and only one white student in fifty.

The racial destiny of the region is going to be worked out on a metropolitan scale. The first step is to recognize the housing segregation reported and analyzed in our earlier reports and the powerful relationships between intense school segregation and the educational chances that exist today.

Describing these patterns obviously does not show causation or demonstrate how much change would occur if neighborhoods and schools were less segregated. In a society where educational opportunity is the only real opportunity for most children, however, these patterns are so stark that they cannot be safely ignored. There are better options for school and housing policy, and the cost of inaction will continually grow as more and more suburban communities are affected and as the city continues to lose the opportunities for integrated education that could be produced in gentrifying neighborhoods with the right kinds of schools and school leadership. The surveys we have done of students in integrated schools in Cambridge and Lynn portray very positive reactions to integrated education by members of the rising generation. This metropolitan region could surely expand those opportunities.

Gary Orfield


Racial Segregation and Educational Outcomes in Metropolitan Boston
by Chungmei Lee
(In PDF Format)

Race and the Metropolitan Origins of Postsecondary Access to Four Year Colleges: The Case of Greater Boston
by Joseph B. Berger, Suzanne M. Smith and Stephen P. Coelen
(In PDF Format)